Over the past few years, Greece has introduced a series of policies that have made the asylum process increasingly complex and difficult for people seeking protection. Since the 2023 immigration bill, new administrative and legal barriers have been added at every stage of the asylum and integration pathway. These changes have contributed to a system that is harder to access, slower to navigate, and more dangerous for the people who depend on it.

At the end of 2025, the Greek parliament passed legislation restricting access to asylum for people arriving from countries considered “non‑threatening,” including several countries in North Africa. At the same time, the government introduced measures that reduced support for recognised refugees. Housing programmes were closed, apartments previously dedicated to refugee families were returned to the private market, and financial assistance was cut. The national budget for refugee programmes has fallen from €400 million to €280 million. These changes have made both arrival and long‑term integration significantly more difficult.

One example of this shift is the closure of the HELIOS programme. Launched by the IOM in 2019, HELIOS supported recognised refugees with Greek language classes, job‑readiness training, and rental subsidies. The programme was shut down in December 2024 after government funding ended, leaving thousands without a pathway to stable housing or employment.

Across the mainland, many accommodation sites that once sheltered people arriving during the 2015–2016 Syrian displacement have now closed. These closures have directly worsened living conditions and reduced safe reception capacity. They also function as a deterrent, signalling that Greece is no longer prepared to host people seeking asylum.

At the same time, Greece has expanded the use of Closed Controlled Access Centres (CCACs) — large, highly securitised facilities on the islands. Conditions in these centres have been widely criticised by humanitarian organisations. Crete has recently announced plans to build two additional centres, despite concerns about the treatment of people in existing facilities. These developments coincide with new migration routes from Sudan, where people fleeing violence increasingly arrive in Crete after crossing the Mediterranean.

On Kos, organisations like Glocal Roots have stepped in to fill critical gaps. The CCAC on the island provides only basic items such as soap and a sleeping bag to new arrivals. Without independent organisations, people would have no access to hygiene products, clothing, clean toilets, or safe communal spaces. This reflects a broader pattern in which civil society is left to provide essential support that should fall under state responsibility.

Reports of pushbacks — which are illegal under EU law — have continued to surface, including incidents on Kos and other islands. Cooperation between Greek, Libyan, and Turkish authorities has also increased, with the stated aim of reducing arrivals and accelerating deportations. In one recent case near Chios, a pushback resulted in the deaths of approximately 15 people seeking asylum, according to media and NGO reports. These incidents highlight the risks people face not only during their journeys but also after reaching European territory.

The criteria for obtaining and maintaining refugee status have also become stricter. New rules introduced in late 2025 state that recognised refugees may lose their status if they return to their country of origin, even briefly, for reasons such as visiting family. Another bill passed in September introduced penalties of up to five years in prison for people who remain in Greece after their asylum claim is rejected. These measures reflect a broader trend toward administrative deterrence — using complex procedures, reduced rights, and legal uncertainty to discourage people from seeking protection.

Humanitarian organisations have also faced increasing pressure. Early 2026 saw several new laws targeting NGOs and volunteers working with refugees. The Mardini and Wittenberg trials, widely covered by international media, illustrate how search‑and‑rescue and humanitarian assistance can be framed as “facilitation,” carrying potential prison sentences of up to 20 years. A bill passed on 5 February strengthened sanctions against organisations working with refugees, including the risk of losing permission to operate in Greece or facing felony charges.

In February, Aegean Boat Report — one of the most active groups documenting arrivals and alleged human‑rights violations — was targeted by a European Arrest Warrant issued by Greece. This raised serious concerns about the criminalisation of documentation and monitoring work.

At the same time, Greece has announced plans to recruit more than 10,000 migrant workers from Asian countries for sectors such as agriculture, tourism, and construction. This highlights a contradiction: while restricting access to asylum and reducing support for refugees already in Greece, the government is actively seeking migrant labour from abroad.

All of this is unfolding against a backdrop of increasing danger along migration routes. Since the start of 2026, several deadly incidents have been recorded in departures from Libya, Turkey, and Egypt. A recent pushback involving the Greek Coast Guard resulted in 14 deaths, and another boat that left Egypt sank in the Mediterranean, leaving three people dead and 18 missing. These tragedies are a stark reminder of the risks people face both during their journeys and after arrival.